Dos borbones en la corte de Franco (Spanish Edition)


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An Account of the Social and Political Background of the Spanish Civil War

Each maintained vibrant commercial ties to regional trading networks and produced manufactures, including cotton textiles, as well as agricultural commodities. Although peninsular Spaniards initially fought off French occupation in regions of the east and the south, unrest increased after the fall of the Bourbon Monarchy in Madrid. Local militias and guerrilla bands contained French regiments until , as nationalists fostered a unifying rhetoric of Spanish identity against the foil of a supposedly godless, atheistic French colossus.

Furthermore, urban residents navigated and reinterpreted the new politics of liberalism in a burgeoning public sphere. In sum, revolutionaries in both hemispheres began to define the contours of Spanish national identity within a crucible of conflict. Breathe freely: you know that the Army of my dear Ally the Emperor of the French crosses my Kingdom with ideas of peace and friendship…. What do I have to fear? Yet a decree in April continued to emphasize fraternity, declaring that the Spanish monarch avidly desired to consolidate the bonds of friendship and the intimate alliance between Spain and the Emperor of France in the name of their respective peoples and nations Across the Spanish Monarchy, the Old Regime fell to forces promising to defend the patria and raise armies to end military occupation and political subservience to France.

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In Valencia at the end of May, in reaction to the tumultuous events of the past several months, political agitators displaced the local government and established a Junta , or committee, called in times of crisis and war to lead the city. Such committees often included prominent figures within the community such as bishops and canons.

Significantly, these Juntas , established on the basis of popular will in May, June and July of , declared that the sovereignty of the nation resided with its people. By linking a primordial Spanish nation asserting its rights to the efforts of municipalities defending the privileges of los pueblos , the towns, representatives reinforced the equation of the nation with the people, el pueblo Juan Rico, a Franciscan living in Valencia, described the period as a revolutionary war of independence waged by the Spanish people against the French.

He articulated a pronounced liberal nationalism based upon the radical idea of the people as the nation. His Historical Memories of the Valencian Revolution , although written three years after the initial uprising, documented a distinct national identity forged during the war:. As the general revolution in Spain has coalesced around a group of partisans in each province…and though they have been directed toward the same ends at almost the same time, and they have as their objective to throw off the yoke of slavery and avenge the insults committed by the French government against the Spanish People and their Kings, there was always a space to write about the particulars of Valencia, that kingdom where the people rose up with the most energy and enthusiasm, exalting in the first shouts of independence and of the war against the tyrant [Napoleon] The order of loyalty was significant and pointed to the prominence of an emerging Spanish nationalism.

Wielding great influence within the Junta , Rico soon secured a proclamation of war against France, immediately read aloud to the public.

Firmly establishing the war as a nationalist struggle against French tyranny, Rico situated the Spanish nation as the primary locus of identification embodied in the name of the king. By declaring the de facto sovereignty of the people while maintaining loyal to the throne, Rico presaged the legitimating rhetoric of constitutional monarchy. Lamenting the lack of communication among Spaniards, the Gazeta focused on the campaigns of allied forces in the peninsula, the successes of the Spanish army, local decrees and the proceedings of the Junta.

The Junta refused, and the French continued to march toward the city walls. The Conde de la Conquista, a French sympathizer, along with other afrancesados , likely would have worked under a collaborationist administration, but nationalists carried on the struggle. The Gazeta de Valencia heralded the valor of the city residents and specifically mentioned the zeal and ardor of clerics and the religious, who not only animated the spirits of the soldiers but fired on the enemy themselves as dignified representatives of the Spanish nation Valencia had triumphed.

Political developments in Valencia followed those of many urban areas of Spanish America, as local leaders harnessed liberal ideals and repeatedly called for a reconstituted Cortes. Accordingly, in February of , elections were held across the territories of the Spanish Monarchy. Valencianos, Castellanos, Andaluces, Spaniards…now you will have a country Catholicism represented the remaining tie to a Hispanic cultural patrimony.

Internecine conflicts threatened the viability of the liberal project. Although French forces took the city prior to March of , city leaders proclaimed the Constitution on July 25, , after combined English and Spanish armies had ousted French troops earlier that month. Elaborate festivities were held to celebrate the sacred articles of liberal, constitutional government Yet significantly, the new regime appropriated the symbols of nationalism and the language of popular sovereignty in the years following the reinstatement of absolutism.

Liberals had established the foundational narrative of an inclusive ideology, creating a paradigm of popular nationalism that served as a template for all competing political forces.

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In Spain, narratives of popular resistance, giving agency to the general will of the people, rhetorically situated el pueblo at the center of political discourse. All subsequent ideologies had to contend with notions of popular sovereignty and had to justify their claims on the basis of the rights of the people and the vote of the nation.

Liberalism had infused Spanish nationalist ideology from the outset. The ceremonies in his honor deployed the imagery of resistance and insurgency, featuring royalist regalia amidst paintings that glorified those who first called on their fellow citizens to rise up against the French. Reminders of the combined efforts of Spain and Britain during the war, the symbols evoked traditional conceptions of the Old Regime Spanish Monarchy. A female represented the city of Valencia, who, in front of the altar of the Virgin Mary, prayed for the heath and well-being of the king.


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There were other symbolic displays as well, such as the coats of arms of Spain and England. The crown on his head was falling off as dogs and a leopard, representations of the enduring strength of the provinces of Spain and their allies from England, pounced on him and overtook the inebriated tyrant. All of the transparencies were illuminated at night so that they could be seen by the public In sanctifying the anti-French resistance in cities such as Valencia, artists and their patrons tacitly paid tribute to liberals and nationalists such as Rico.

Allan has also been very generous with his time and with his own work, for which I am extremely grateful. Finally, I would like to express my deep gratitude to Adrian Pearce. His doctoral thesis was extremely influential in my own work, and his recent book, based on that thesis— The Origins of Bourbon Reform in Spanish South America, — Palgrave MacMillan, —, an insightful and sophisticated synthesis of the period, provided the stimulus I needed to finish the present book.

Adrian has unduly commended my work in print and has consistently encouraged me since we first met in I am also very thankful to Beatriz Rojas Nieto, whose support, encouragement and friendship since we first met—when I was an undergraduate student in her class at CIDE in —, and particularly during the year I spent at ColMich, have been invaluable. This book was finished at the University of Manchester where I have been lucky enough to have a group of excellent colleagues in the subject area of Spanish, Portuguese and Latin American Studies whose camaraderie and friendship have made the process of writing up while balancing teaching and administrative commitments a lot easier.

I would also like to thank Lois Hide, who proofread the final manuscript and helped render my prose more readable. For the infelicities that have made it through I am solely to blame. He, Jaap Jacobs, Bertrand Van Ruymbeke and particularly Nozomi Goto were incredibly patient over the long time it took me to figure out the from which the book would take and to turn it into a complete manuscript. I very much appreciate the suggestions made by the two anonymous reviewers at Brill, which helped me see clear ways in which the book could be improved.

Any remaining shortcomings are, of course, my own responsibility. A number of institutions generously funded the research that went into this book. Since I first moved to Britain, they have indefatigably located for me books and documents in Mexican bookstores and archives; without their help, progress would have been much slower and costly. About this Item: Universidad Auntnoma de Aguascalientes.

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Dos borbones en la corte de Franco (Spanish Edition) Dos borbones en la corte de Franco (Spanish Edition)
Dos borbones en la corte de Franco (Spanish Edition) Dos borbones en la corte de Franco (Spanish Edition)
Dos borbones en la corte de Franco (Spanish Edition) Dos borbones en la corte de Franco (Spanish Edition)
Dos borbones en la corte de Franco (Spanish Edition) Dos borbones en la corte de Franco (Spanish Edition)
Dos borbones en la corte de Franco (Spanish Edition) Dos borbones en la corte de Franco (Spanish Edition)

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